Guns, Germs, and Steel essays

Guns, Germs, and Steel essays Guns, Germs, Steel, and controversy: Diamonds unique look at evolution and history. Through out Guns, Germs, and Steel, Jared Diamond attempts to explain the dominance of certain ethnicities. The backbone to this book and the questions that Diamond asks and answers, stem from a question asked of him in 1972 by a local politician in New Guinea named Yali. Our conversation began with a subject then on every New Guineans mind the rapid pace of political developments. What Yali wanted to know was why New Guinea and other cultures around the world seemed behind in technology. Why were the Europeans the dominant force in the world? Why is it that you white people developed so much cargo and brought it to New Guinea, but we black people had little cargo of our own? As Diamond puts it, Yalis question can be stretched out to not just the whites and New Guineans, but most of the world and whites. Why did wealth and power become distributed as they now are, rather than in some other way? For instance, why werent native Americans, Africans, and Aboriginal Australian s the ones who decimated, subjugated, or exterminated Europeans and Asians? In the next 400 pages, Diamond does everything to convince the reader of all the agricultural and environmental reasons for this, while trying to bury the old theory of intellectual racism. That is, the belief that Europeans and Asians have a naturally higher intellect. After reading I found that his theory of environment and agriculture had a very strong base to it and made a lot of sense. He makes his points clear and very factual, using examples throughout history and his own personal life in some instances to hammer his point home. However Im a little skeptic of him disregarding at all the possibility of a certain race being inherently smarter than another. Although he makes a few points towards his theory, he dodges it for the...

Verificar demoras en puentes México y Estados Unidos

Verificar demoras en puentes Mà ©xico y Estados Unidos Los fines de semana y en los dà ­as de fiestas el cruce de Mà ©xico a Estados Unidos se puede poner terrible, con horas de espera en los puentes internacionales para pasar por el control migratorio. Para evitar estas demoras es importante saber cunto es el retraso en cada punto de la frontera y, en las ciudades con varios puentes -como en el caso de Laredo- cul tomar.   Adems de explicar en este artà ­culo cules son los pasos a seguir para verificar los retrasos en los puentes internacionales en este artà ­culo se informa sobre temas importantes para la frontera, como por ejemplo, quà © documentos se pueden utilizar para cruzarla legalmente, quà © consideraciones deben tenerse en cuenta a la hora de ingresar a Estados Unidos diversos artà ­culos. Y finalmente, dà ³nde es posible encontrar retenes migratorios ms all de la frontera, es decir, en el interior de Estados Unidos. Pgina para saber cà ³mo est la frontera y reporte actualizado de tiempo de espera La pgina de Best Time to Cross de Border brinda informacià ³n que incluye: El tiempo actual de demora (Current Wait)La à ºltima vez que la informacià ³n fue actualizada (Last updated)El nà ºmero de personas cruzando por ese punto (User reported)Y el nà ºmero de là ­neas abiertas (Lanes open) Adems, se puede personalizar la bà ºsqueda eligiendo entre: Tipo de auto: pasajeros (passenger) o comercial)  Tipo de cruce: regular (standard), Nexus/Sentri Cà ³mo se utiliza esta aplicacià ³n para saber tiempos de demora en cruce de frontera Donde pone Mexican Border, hacer click. A continuacià ³n se abre un menà º con las opciones de: Arizona/SonoraCalifornia/Baja CaliforniaNew Mà ©xico/ChihuahuaTexas/Chihuahua  Texas/CoahuilaTexas/Nuevo Leà ³nTexas/Tamaulipas Elegir la que aplica y se abre otro menà º, con todas las opciones de cruce entre el estado mexicano y el de EU que se elige. Descargar la aplicacià ³n de Best Time to Cross de Border Si se desea poder acceder fcilmente a esa informacià ³n desde un telà ©fono celular o tableta, se puede descargar la aplicacià ³n: Para iPhones y Ipad en la iTunes store.Para celulares o tablets con sistema operativo Android, como por ejemplo, los Samsung en la Google Play. Peajes en los puentes internacionales Se puede pagar en efectivo o sistemas electrà ³nicos. Uno de los sistemas ms comunes es el AVI (cà ³digo de barras) que se utiliza tanto para ingresar a EU como para ingresar a Mà ©xico. Tiempos de espera para peatones Si se cruza a pie, se pueden verificar los tiempos de espera en la pgina de la Patrulla Fronteriza (CBP). Hay que elegir la opcià ³n de pedestrians y tambià ©n la de la aduana, dentro de donde dice Mexican Border Ports of Entry. Horarios de las oficinas migratorias en los puentes internacionales Algunos puentes de cruce estn abiertos las 24 horas del dà ­a, pero las oficinas tienen horarios ms limitados. Si es necesario hacer trmites migratorios especà ­ficos con un agente de inmigracià ³n, consultar antes dichos horarios. Puentes en El Paso (El Norte/Santa Fe, Stanton Street Bridge, Ysleta/Zaragoza).Puentes en Laredo (Puente I Gateway to the Americas, Puente II -Jurez-Lincoln International, Puente III - Colombia Solidarity, Puente IV World Trade Bridge, sà ³lo para trfico comercial este à ºltimo). Tipos de lineas para cruzar Al llegar al puesto de control migratorio terrestre es posible encontrar varias là ­neas en las que esperar para cruzar. El nà ºmero y tipo de las mismas depende del punto de cruce. Las clases de là ­nea son: Vehà ­culos comercialesAutos de pasajerosCruce de peatones Cada uno de ellos puede dividirse en varias subcategorà ­as, como por ejemplo Maximum Lane, Standard Lane, Ready Lane o FAST/Sentri lane. Pueden utilizar la Ready Lane los vehà ­culos cuyos pasajeros mayores de 16 aà ±os cuenten todos con documento que puede ser leà ­do por una mquina conocido como RFID por sus siglas en inglà ©s. Son documentos RFID los siguientes documentos: tarjetas de pasaporte de EE.UU., licencias de manejar mejoradas, tarjetas tribales mejoradas, tarjetas de cruce de frontera mejoradas, tarjetas de residencia mejoradas o una tarjeta del Programa de Viajero de Confianza, es decir, SENTRI, NEXUS, FAST o Global Entry. Documentos para cruzar la frontera incluidos casos de infantes Para ingresar a los Estados Unidos es necesario contar con un documento que lo permita. Para los ciudadanos estadounidenses las opciones son varias, siendo las ms comunes el pasaporte o tarjeta de pasaporte de los Estados Unidos o la tarjeta SENTRI. Tambià ©n se admiten las licencias de manejar mejoradas (enhanced en inglà ©s) de determinados estados para regresar a EE.UU. desde Mà ©xico por tierra o mar. En la actualidad, solo los estados de Michigan, Minnesota, Nueva York, Vermont y Washington ofrecen este tipo de documentacià ³n. Los residentes permanentes utilizan la green card y el resto de los extranjeros deben utilizar un pasaporte de otro paà ­s con documentacià ³n que autorice el ingreso, como por ejemplo una visa regular. Si son ciudadanos de uno de los 38 paà ­ses miembros del Programa de Exencià ³n de Visados no necesitan visa pero sà ­ llenar el formulario I-94. En el caso de mexicanos que viven cerca de la frontera se utiliza frecuentemente una visa lser, tambià ©n conocida como de Cruce, debe saberse el  mximo en millas dentro de Estados Unidos  que se puede ingresar. Tambià ©n hay que tener en cuenta que si se ingresa todos los dà ­as a estudiar, debe utilizarse una visa de estudiante. Hay varias posibles, por ejemplo, la F-3 que es poco conocida pero merece la pena familiarizarse con ella. Y tambià ©n es vlido utilizar la tarjeta SENTRI para acelerar el paso. Finalmente, los ciudadanos estadounidenses que cruzan esta frontera deben saber quà © documentos que pueden utilizar para regresar a su paà ­s y cules son las reglas que aplican a los infantes  que viajan sin estar acompaà ±ados de sus dos padres. Tener presente que Mà ©xico establece reglas ms restrictivas para sacar de su paà ­s a los nià ±os. Si los menores no viajan acompaà ±ados de sus dos paps, se debe llenar el formato SAM  (autorizacià ³n de salida de Mà ©xico).  Y deben hacer tres tantos. Para mayor informacià ³n sobre este requisito, comunicarse gratuitamente al nà ºmero 01800 00 46264. Recuperacià ³n de impuestos y artà ­culos permitidos Es cierto que Texas permite los turistas internacionales recuperar los impuestos a las ventas por los artà ­culos comprados en ese estado. De hecho, sà ³lo Texas y Luisiana lo permiten. Sin embargo hay una gran limitacià ³n para determinar quià ©nes se pueden beneficiar de esa regla. Y es que sà ³lo pueden solicitar que les regresen sus impuestos a las ventas los turistas internacionales que llegaron por avià ³n a Texas y tienen boletos para regresarse a sus paà ­ses de la misma manera. Es decir, los turistas que llegan por carretera no pueden recuperar sus impuestos. Asimismo, debe siempre respetarse y conocer  que est prohibido traer a EU. Por regla general, las mascotas se pueden ingresar sin problemas.  Pero hay restricciones.   Finalmente, tener en cuenta que los controles migratorios internos pueden establecerse en cualquier punto dentro de 100 millas de distancia de la frontera entre Estados Unidos y Mà ©xico. Cruce en frontera terrestre entre EE.UU. y Mà ©xico La frontera terrestre entre EE.UU. se extiende por 3.145 kmEs la frontera internacional ms transitada del mundo, con ms de 350 millones de cruces legales anualmente.El puesto fronterizo ms utilizado es San Ysidro, que comunica California con Tijuana. Cada dà ­a es cruzada por ms de 25.000 peatones y 50.000 vehà ­culos.Los cargos ms pesados estn autorizados a cruzar por Nuevo Mà ©xico. Este es un artà ­culo informativo. no es asesorà ­a legal.

Zenn Motor Company Ltd Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Zenn Motor Company Ltd - Assignment Example ZMC has created and delivered to consumers a form of vehicle for personal transportation, which is â€Å"zero emission no noise† better known as â€Å"ZENN†. Ultimately, ZMC has addressed the question of marketing by creating, pricing, distributing a form of electric vehicle that is efficient for consumer use and above all it is environment friendly (Boone & Kurtz 34). Question # 2 The critical relationships that ZMC should focus on are with its consumers, companies in the vehicle industry and companies with a large number of vehicles. These three categories of consumers will provide ZMC with a big and potential market for its electric vehicles, which are environment friendly (Boone & Kurtz 36). Question # 3 One primary target group that ZMC has focused on is consumers. Precisely, ZMC has targeted commercial fleets and urban commuters. ZMC has taken various steps, which have aided in building relationships and value. These steps include developing a website in which the management has used to trace visitors and their preference. Through its website, ZMC has been able to establish the particular car that is preferred in a defined geographical area. ZMC has also built a relationship with consumers through viral marketing. The first adopters of the ZENN car have become evangelists of this product. ZMC has created an Ambassador program, which has trained customers on issues of marketing, and this has aided in building relationships and value for this group (Boone & Kurtz 57). Chapter 2 Question # 1 ZMC’s mission entails providing consumers with vehicles, which are pocket and environment friendly. This mission is achieved through creating a product that consumes less in terms of energy, and above all conserves the environment. ZMC’s mission is effective and efficient because the company has truly come up with a product that satisfies the need that brought it into existence. The number of consumers in need of the electric vehicle that is p ocket and environment friendly has been on the increase, a clear demonstration that ZMC’s mission is effective and efficient (Boone & Kurtz 74). Chapter 4 Question # 1 ZMC as a company has highly embraced the idea of social responsibility while marketing its product. The company has not only directed social responsibility towards consumers, but also towards the environment. It is also critical to note that the inspiration that led to ZMC existence came from the idea of conserving the environment and stopping global warming. The company has followed the principles of social responsibility by formulating a mission, which does not benefit the company alone, but also consumers and the environment. ZMC demonstrates social responsible marketing by availing the market with electric cars, which match up issues of climate change and a growing demand for environment friendly vehicles. Ultimately, ZMC’s mission of creating electric vehicles that target conserving the environment and stopping global warming is a great social responsible marketing movement (Boone & Kurtz 84). Chapter 5 Question # 1 The most efficient form of secondary source of data, which ZMC as a company can use to its advantage are published reports and journals regarding the vehicle industry. There exists a lot of published information, which pertains to the success and failures witnessed in the vehicle industry. ZMC can use this information by capitalizing on the shortcomings witnessed within the vehicle industry while at the same time taking advantage of the vehicle industry’s capabilities. In essence, the published reports will provide critical information that will aid in developing specialty vehicles (Boone & Kurtz 72). Question # 2 There are a number of critical, ethical issues

Techonology affects our life Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Techonology affects our life - Essay Example reading, and was now forcing me to carry out another action involving modern technology, in this case mostly referred to internet and cell phone usage. I always knew that technology referred to the application of scientific knowledge in the creation of a machine, tool, or a system, intended to solve a problem present in our life. But is it what modern technology accomplishing these days? I have been sensing this behavioral change for a while now; a persistent compelling to log in to my Facebook account in the middle of night, a severe drive to check my e-mail during a lecture, a relentless desire to steal a look at my cell phone for incoming texts during a group meeting, were few of the examples. From my modified conduct, I could claim that this modern technology, with its ever increasing presence and various mediums, was gradually enslaving me. But at the same time, I could contest that this panic is always adjunct to the emergence of all new technologies, and instead of fighting it , I should simply embrace it. In his article Writing Is a Technology that Restructures Thought, Walter Ong declared that â€Å"New tracks for thought are imposed by the newer technologies,† (30), but I do not strictly agree with his statement. Although, I consent that in the past ten to twelve years, my reliance on technology has increased to such an extent that it has altered how I connect with people around me, and perceive attainment and retention of knowledge, but it has not mutated my thought process. Technology has certainly transformed the way I connect with people, for example, the other day, I was thinking, when was the last time I sent or received a personal letter; not the bank statements, or solicitation pamphlets, I receive every other day, but an actual letter from an acquaintance of mine. Even the yearly season’s greeting cards I used to receive had reduced to one or two. Although, this gradual change, brought on by the increasing popularity and usage of new technological mediums, was relevant enough for me to notice, it was not profound enough to emotionally distraught me. It was probably because I realized that, for me, what matters, is the sincere and deep wishes of the sender, not the medium they are utilizing to send them. Therefore, I can say that technology has ended the ‘paper’ exchange of wishes, but it has not rendered the social interaction to be defunct. C.P. Snow once said in New York Times that ‘Technology... is a queer thing. It brings you great gifts with one hand, and it stabs you in the back with the other,’ (Editors, 110). Few days ago I faced a situation, which left me feeling the same. I was supposed to travel to an unknown location with my grandfather, and I guaranteed him that I will get the complete address through Google maps, so that he does not need to keep the paper map with him. When we both sat in the car, he asked me whether I took the directions, and I assured him that yes I did look at them. He asked me if I memorized the directions, and I told him that whenever required, I will access Google through my I-Phone, and we will be able to look at the instructions. The look he gave me said a thousand words. He further playfully stated that if I kept on continuing like this, and did not put my brain to work by memorizing these minor things, my brain will gradually deteriorate. After this incident, I was

European Politics Essay Example for Free

European Politics Essay Not long after taking office as President, Nicolas Sarkozy initiated a bold agenda of sweeping governmental and economic reform which enflamed controversy and engendered violent confrontation within the French government and among the French population regarding both the state of economic parity within French society, and Frances role in a swiftly changing global-political climate. Sarkozy, a former member of the National Assembly, a two-time appointee as Minister of the Interior, and a past President of the UMP, rose to prominence as a widely popular (and also widely unpopular) figure in the conservative wing of French politics. Although Sarkozys personal and romantic life as well as his financial dealings and his public image have all fallen under the intense scrutiny of the French and International media, the most controversial issues associated with President Sarkozy have generally been and continue to be issue and policy oriented. Prior to being elected President, Sarkozy made International news headlines when, as Minister of the Interior, Sarkozy, insisted that Muslim women pose bare-headed for official identity photographs (Scott, 2005), a move which provoked a storm of opposition within France and throughout the globe. However, Sarkozys intentions were even much wider than revealed by his policy regarding identity photos; Sarkozys main recommendation, accepted by Chirac in January 2004, was for a law prohibiting the wearing of ostentatious signs of religious affiliation in public schools. This is now the law of the land (Scott, 2005). Sarkozys record prior to becoming President indicated that he was a man unafraid to pursue a controversial course of action. As president, one of Sarkozys first publically criticized actions was his handling of a Libyan hostage crisis which involved the retrieval of Belgian health-care workers who had been held in Libya. In return for releasing the Belgians, the Libyan dictator Gaddafi was able to gain President Sarkozys signature on a treaty which transferred hundreds of millions of euros, along with important military equipment to Libya. This move was met not only with criticism but with a call for an investigation at the parlimentary level which was requested by the head of the French Socialist Party. Although this single example may seem slight in light of the forthcoming discussion regarding governmental reform and the EU policy on climate change which will form the heart of the present study of Sarkozys administration, the incident is illustrative of the odd duality which seems to stamp itself on many of Sarkozys policies, programs, and initiatives. The duality is one rooted on one side in what many might consider a superficial, yet effective, understanding of public image and political theater; on the other side, it is rooted in what many might call brutally pragmatic economics. Critics of Sarkozy go further than to call the President an economic pragmatist. Many members of Sarkozys own conservative party, the UMP, have criticized the President for being a strong advocate of free-trade while simultaneously backing sweeping reforms in the working-class sector including his â€Å"loi de modernisation de leconomie† (Lawday, 2007), or Modernization of the Economy Law which in addition to relaxing federal restrictions on retail prices and work-regulations, allowed workers who worked over thirty-five hours a week to collect their overtime pay tax-free. If, basically, Sarkozys economic policies reflect a free-market, self-responsibility venture that he claims every advanced country in Europe, from Britain to those in Scandinavia, and lately Germany, has adopted to its advantage (Lawday, 2007) they also reflect an essentially conservative philosophy which stands in odd contrast to Sarkozys iconoclastic image as an agent of change. As one observer phrased it, Sarkozys economic philosophy and national economic program represents not so much novelty as catch-up politics with a conservative twist (Lawday, 2007) and, as such, Sarkozys economic programs include the curbing of labor unions and their power. These aspects of Sarkozys approach to government and economic matters leaves little room for doubt that at least in relation to financial matters the President is a true conservative, although his vision may be, overall, a bit more modern than that which is commonly associated with conservatism, the end-result is the same. Sarkozys economic philosophies are important not only because they impact one of the most crucial sectors of public policy and governmental influence in France the economy but also because they indicate the aforementioned duality of purpose and bearing which seems to stand as part and parcel of Sarkozys political career. If on e the one hand, Sarkozy wanted to amend the 35-hour working week so that it is no longer the reposeful regulation it implies (Lawday, 2007), he also sought to simultaneously force strikers to maintain a minimum service for trains, buses and other public services (Lawday, 2007) and to slice into the bloated state bureaucracy, where the unions are strongest, by permitting one replacement for every two retiring government office workers (Lawday, 2007) while at the same time admitting in the face of the recent global economic crisis that laissez faire capitalism is dead. The economic platform and policies which Sarkozy has advocated indicate that above all else Sarkozy is a pragmatist. This fact is s very useful fact because, by keeping it firmly in mind, a more complete understanding of Sarkozy the politician can be gained. In point of fact, most of what passes for populism in Sarkozys public image is precisely due to his pragmatic approach. His populist reputation as a French nationalist who is for robust immigration reform may collide somewhat uncomfortably with his status as the (rotating) President of the European Union, just as his stand on unions collides with his recent, public statements regarding socialism where Sarkozy responded to the question: have you become a socialist? with the answer Maybe (Lawday, 2007). Sarkozys radicalism which stands in sharp contrasts to his fiscal conservatism and his conservatism on issues such as immigration and unions manifests itself not in ideology, necessarily, but within the framework of his aforementioned pragmatism. In other words, Sarkozy may be a populist to the extent that he adopts positions which will curry favor with French Nationalists, such as the headscarf legislation mentioned at the opening of this paper, he may be a fiscal conservative bent on busting the unions and generating a productive working class base for French society, but in each case his convictions, while arguably difficult to pin down under a single umbrella of ideology, are always enacted by way of robust action. Sarkozy may be many things, but one thing he certainly is not is a dawdler. One of the most illustrative examples of Sarkozys style and substance as a leader, and specifically as the President of France, is his massive reform of French government and the displacement of governmental power. Although as will be demonstrated shorty Sarkozys controversial reforms to French government have the design and purpose of bringing the government into the modern era of global-politics and allowing for a more efficiently run government within France itself, the same reforms have been assailed by Sarkozy;s critics, primarily by the French Socialist party, as being tantamount to instating a dictatorship in France with Sarkozy himself enthroned as dictator. Although the specificities and complexities of Sarkozys reforming of French government pose much too vast a too vast to exhaust within the confines of this short discussion, the overall impact and intention of his reform policies offer profound insight into not Sarkozys ambitions as President but into the potentially radical reshaping of French government as well as Frances relationship to the EU. Before delving into the specifics of the reform legislation, it is useful to remember just how the French Constitution regarded the separation of governmental powers and more importantly what role the President of France was accorded by the Fifth Republics Constitution. Because Sarkozys program of governmental reform offers, as a centerpiece, the apparent expansion of Presidential power and authority, while simultaneously strengthening the role and power of parliament, sorting out the specific angles by which Sarkozy enabled the expansion of Presidential power can be quite difficult to achieve. However, the role of the French President, according to the Fifth Republics Constitution was limited: Article 5 [ ] states that the President ‘Provides by their arbitration for the regular functioning of the public authorities and the continuity of the State’ (Bell, 2000, p. 15), with nothing mentioned about the Presidents own power to legislate. This aspect of the Constitution is the key area by which Sarkozy sought to expand, in the eyes of the anti-reformers, Presidential power. Specifically, the most controversial aspect of the reform-laws was Sarkozys plan to allow the president to address parliament, opening up the possibility of a US State of the Union-style address. That has not been permitted since 1875, in an attempt to keep the executive and legislative branches separate (BBC News), and it is by this seemingly simple move that Sarkozy expanded Presidential authority while simultaneously seeming to limit that same authority. Because the Fifth Republics Constitution calls for the President to function as an arbitrator the American-style Presidency of the President as the leader of the legislature, addressing parliament, becomes a specter of dread to those who view this as an incursion on the Constitutional separation of powers. While it is true that Article 5, which implicitly restricts the Presidency, has been a subject of controversy (Bell, 2000, p. 15), Sarkozys expansion of Presidential authority has proven to be even more divisive. Sarkozys plan to rewrite the Fifth Republics Constitution represents the two primary aspects of his governing style which have formed the roots of the current discussion; these aspects are his inherent conservatism and his obvious pragmatism. The reform legislation introduced radical, pragmatic steps toward affecting sweeping change in France and rewrote the French Constitution, but while Sarkozy verbalized his assurances that the reforms represented Movement, change, modernity,' (BBC News) as well as a victory for French democracy, the same reforms also contributed to the strengthening of Presidential authority and resulted in a divided parliament with Sarkozys reform bill passing by 539 votes to 357 one vote more than the three-fifths majority of the combined Assembly and Senate required to pass the reforms BBC News), so if strengthening democracy was Sarkozys intention, his initial result was to divide the parliament and pass a sweeping reform to the French Constitution with next-to-no consensus. This fact in itself would seem to confirm the trepidation regarding his proposed reforms (now law) which engulfed his detractors in parliament. One of these detractors, Socialist senator Bernard Frimat told lawmakers before t he vote at a special session at the Chateau of Versailles (BBC News) that Sarkozy had offered a consolidation of monocracy, (BBC News) but Sarkozy, always careful to play to populist ideas and ideals, counter-weighted the expansion of Presidential authority with corresponding limits and restrictions on the French Presidency. The reform laws while strengthening the Presidents role in the legislature also limit the President to two five year terms, gives parliament a veto over some presidential appointments, ends government control over parliaments committee system, allows parliament to set its own agenda, and ends the presidents right of collective pardon (BBC News). Seemingly, by these latter reforms, Sarkozy was interested in limiting not expanding the powers of the French President; however the telling point of the reform laws as they relate to the French Presidency lies within the mere expansion of the Presidents role as a lawmaker rather than, as the Fifth Republics Constitution advocated, a a neutral ‘umpire’ who has three principal tasks: i) to see that the Constitution is respected; ii) to ‘arbitrate’ to ensure the continuity of the state; iii) to be vigilant on the issues of national independence, territorial integrity and the respect for treaties (Bell, 2000, p. 16). Sarkozys vision of the President and the reform legislation he was able to enact to realize this vision stands in direct opposition to Article 5 of the French Constitution. Sarkozys radical pragmatism extends beyond the parameters and confines of French domestic issues into the realm of International affairs. As the acting President of the European Union, Sarkozy has applied a similarly hands on approach to issues of international importance such as climate change. As illustrated by Sarkozys reform legislation and the somewhat concealed agenda therein which provided for the expansion of Presidential authority, Sarkozy seems to have adopted a similar approach to his position as EU President. On the topic of global warming and climate change, Sarkozy has proven to be as pragmatic and as forceful as he was on the issues of crime, immigration, and government reform in France. At the thirty-third summit of the G8, Sarkozy offered a plan to reduce French CO2 emissions by half and what followed was the adoption of this concept by the G8 nations as a whole. Although the agreement which was reached at the summit was non-binding, Sarkozys lead enabled the G8 nations to put forth a collective plan to cut in half the global emissions of greenhouse gasses. Sarkozy continued to push for a binding agreement, but his efforts proved futile. Nevertheless, his approach to the issue of climate change represented, as his approach to governmental reform. a pragmatic and comprehensive approach to a hard problem. Of interest is the fact that the binding agreement regarding greenhouse gas emissions was apparently blocked by the United States with its President, George W, Bush, citing the refusal of third-world nations to also enter into the agreement. Responding tot his obstacle, Sarkozy turned his efforts not toward America or the Third World, but to China, utilizing his status as EU President to put forward a comprehensive and progressive energy policy which included a collaborative effort with the Chinese. Sarkozys successful brokering of a deal on energy adn climate change between the EU adn China marks one of the most important accomplishments of his pragmatic and often radical approach to governing. It is due to this combination of tenacity and creativity that Sarkozy has evolved from a controversial cabinet member in the French government known mostly for being a strong conservative to an actor on the world stage who seems to be equal parts populist and conservative. It is, perhaps, not necessary, to understand which of the aspects, conservative or populist is dominant in Sarkozy, it is possibly not even that important to understand, at a personal, human level, which aspect represents more honestly Sarkozys own world-view. While some observers may claim that Sarkozys populism is merely a smokescreen to conceal his ambitious moves toward a consolidation of personal power, others may claim, with good reason, that Sarkozys populism represents a genuine attempt to represent the global sea-change which has currently cast global economics and world-affairs into an ambiguous and dangerous place. No matter which of these perspectives lies closer to the objective truth of Sarkozy the man, the result of Sarkozys actions as a world-leader will involve much more than a consideration of President Sarkozys motives. One of the most compelling aspects of Sarkozy as a world leader is his simultaneous insistence of modernity while maintaining an acute, almost reverential, respect for the past. Like the other dualities apparent in Sarkozys governing style adn thinking style, this duality of past vs. future manifest, in Sarkozy, not as an abstract idealogy but in pragmatic application. In addition to his highly controversial reforms in regard to economics, government, unions, immigration, and climate change, Sarkozy has also generated a great deal of controversy regarding his position of cultural subjects and education in France. While seeming to be a strong nationalist with a true conservatives reverence for tradition, Sarkozy has readily admitted that France has failed to democratize its culture and that in doing so, accomplished one of the chief failures of the past 50 years of French government (Sarkozy out to Democratize, 2007, p. B01). As always, his suggested course of action revealed a blend of populism and conservatism and fused the cultural concerns of France with the power of the French government: Sarkozy defined democratisation de la culture as providing the means for the largest number of people to understand and appreciate Sophocles, Shakespeare and Racine. He added that the purpose of education is to teach you how to tell the difference between Madame Bovary and a police blotter, or between Antigone and Harry Potter. Later, you can read what you like. (Sarkozy out to Democratize, 2007, p. B01) In conclusion, Sarkozys style of governing offers a curious and sometimes uncomfortable blend of populism and conservatism. In the area of domestic policy, he has proven to be both radical in his approach and keenly aware of the political impact of his pragmatic reforms, on international issues he has proven to be creative, opportunistic, and decisive. While Sarkozys bold embracing of modernity may be authenticated by his actions in some cases, many of his policies and programs reveal an essentially conservative politician who seeks, not merely reform, but the type of reform which ensures the continuation of his carefully crafted ideological beliefs.

Victor Frankenstein Essay -- Literary Analysis, Mary Shelly

Question #7- What difficult circumstances is Walton encountering when he meets Victor Frankenstein? In the letters that Robert Walton sent to his sisters, there is legit evidence that he was encountering difficult circumstances when he met Victor Frankenstein. When Walton's vessel was sailing to the Northern Pole they encountered heavy fog and lots of ice. Walton's exact words were, "...we were nearly surrounded by ice" (8). and he also exclaimed, "...we were compassed round by a very thick fog" (8). Also, while they were trapped in the ice surrounding them, they saw a gigantic figure going on along the ice which befuddled the crew because as Walton had said in his letters, "We were, as believed, many hundreds of miles away from any land" (8). Question #8- How does Shelley emphasize the extreme isolation of the vessel? Shelley emphasizes the extreme isolation of the vessel in a few different ways. In the fourth letter when the fog and ice surrounded the vessel Walton said roughly, "...we beheld, stretched out in every direction, vast and irregular plains of ice, which seemed to have no end" (8). Another way that Shelley emphasizes the extreme isolation of the vessel is when Walton said sadly, "Shut in, however, by ice, it was impossible to follow his track" (8). Shelley used words like "no end" or "impossible" made the vessel seem extremely isolated. Question #9- As he begins his tale, Victor Frankenstein suggests that he has something in common with the Captain. Explain. In the last letter that Robert Walton wrote to his sister, Victor Frankenstein does suggest that he has similarities with the Captain. After spending lots of time with Walton, Victor breaks down and says to him, "Unhappy man! Do you share my madnes... ...or came home so urgently. Question #19- In what way does Victor consider himself responsible? Victor considers himself to be responsible for the murder of both William and Justine. On the night Victor returns to Geneva, he saw the frightening monster around where William had been murdered (50). Victor concluded that it was all his fault because if he hadn't of created the monster, his brother wouldn't of been killed. The monster framed Justine of murdering William by putting his picture of his mother in Justine's pocket (56). This made Justine look guilty and the court sentenced her to death because of it (60). At the end of chapter 8, Victor Frankenstein bestows the responsibilities of the deaths by directly saying this, "I beheld those I loved spend vain sorrow upon the graves of William and Justine, the first hapless victims to my unhallowed arts" (60).

Executive Summary Of Impact Of Siwes On Students

The Students Industrial Work Experience Scheme (SIWES), is a skills development programme initiated by the Industrial Training Fund (ITF), in 1973 to bridge the gap between theory and practice among students of engineering and technology in Institutions of Higher Learning in Nigeria. It provides for on-the-job practical experience for students as they are exposed to work methods and techniques in handling equipment and machinery that may not be available in their Institutions.At inception in 1974, the Scheme started with 784 Students from 11 Institutions and 104 eligible courses. By 2008, 210,390 Students from 219 Institutions participated in the Scheme with over 112 eligible courses.However, the rapid growth and expansion of SIWES, has occurred against the backdrop of successive economic crises which have affected the smooth operation and administration of the Scheme. Most industries in Nigeria today, are operating below installed capacity while others are completely shut down (Manu facturing Association, 2003 – 2006). This has impacted negatively on the Scheme as Institutions of Higher Learning find it increasingly difficult to secure placement for Students in industries where they could acquire the much needed practical experience.Aim of the StudyThe aim of the study was to evaluate the impact of SIWES on Technical Skills Development in the Nigerian economy. This is to enable Institutions of Higher Learning and other Stakeholders assess the performance of their roles in the Scheme.MethodologyIn order to achieve the aim of the Survey, a total of 1,200 questionnaires were administered to SIWES Students, SIWES Graduates and 60 to the Employers of Labour.Similarly, 36 Head of Institutions, Institution based SIWESCoordinators/Directors participated in SSI while 30 Human Resource Managers and 60 Industry based SIWES Supervisors were also interviewed. A total of 18  focus group discussions (FGD) were held with SIWES Graduates and ITF SIWES Schedule Officers equally participated in FGD.The six geo-political zones of the country and the 27 Area Offices of the ITF were the bases for sampling. The fieldwork for this study lasted two weeks in December 2008 across the Six Geo-Political Zones. The field personnel enjoyed cooperation and support of SIWES participating Institutions and their representatives during data collection. A few Researchers did not, however, receive cooperation of Employers of Labour to administer instruments to Students, largely due to either misconceptions or disputes.Lack of uniform academic calendar for all Institutions, including SIWES calendar affected the capacity of Research Teams to administer some Research Instruments.Major FindingsThe findings of the survey include:1.  Most Students (75%) described SIWES as very relevant to  Technical Skills Development, while SIWES Graduates (92.5%)  reported that they acquired new skills during their SIWES attachment.2.  Inadequate funding for the smooth management of the Scheme.3.  Inadequate/ineffective supervision of Students on attachment by Staff of Institutions, ITF and Employers of Labour, largely due to lack/shortage/inadequate vehicles, supervision allowance and delays in the payment of same to both staff and students.4.  Placement of Students in relevant Industries is a major challenge due to the growing number of Institutions, eligible courses and Students involved in SIWES while relevant industries are shutting down5.  Employers of Labour have high positive perception of SIWES in imparting skills to students, thus, enhancing their performance.6.  There is a general consensus among Heads of Institution and  Institution-based Coordinators that SIWES makes the education  process complete as it bridges the gap between the theoretical knowledge acquired in Institutions through practical hands on experience in Industry.7.  A major factor determining the acceptance of Students for SIWES by Organizations/Establishments is av ailability of vacancy.Recommendations1. The number of Institutions and Students participating in SIWES have been on the increase without corresponding increase in  funding of the Scheme. The study recommends that the Federal Ministry of Science and Technology (FMST), Federal Ministry of Labour and Productivity (FMLP), Education Trust Fund (ETF),  and Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) of the Presidency be involved as major Stakeholders that will be saddled with the responsibility of formulating policies to guide the operation of the Scheme and advice the Federal Government appropriately  particularly, on funding the Scheme.2.  SIWES should be properly presented to potential sponsors, such as banks, multinational companies and other corporate institutions for support in creating placement opportunities, training, equipment, facilities, as well as direct funding of SIWES.3.  Institutions should be encouraged to create financial autonomy for Institution-based SIWES Units/Dir ectorates.4.  Separate SIWES sub-head by the Federal Government.5.  Motivate partners from the private sector through granting tax relief for companies that accept Students on SIWES.6.  Instruments for the administration of the Scheme should be periodically reviewed to ensure relevance, and uniformity.